Unlike most readers on nationalism, this book is organised not by means of country-centred or regional case studies; instead it has a thematic and transversal structure that allows the contributors to discuss theoretical, normative, or analytical issues. It also profiles in one volume some of the key research by leading Francophone authors who have reinvigorated scholarly research into nalionalism. The spread of Islam around the globe has blurred the connection between a religion, a specific society, and a territory.
One-third od the world's Muslims now live as members of a minority. At the heart of this development are the voluntary settlement of Muslims in Western societies and the pervasiveness and influence of Western cultural models and social norms.
The revival of Islam among Muslims populations in the last twenty years is often wrongly seen as a backlash against westernisation rather than as one of its consequences. Neofundamentalism has been gaining ground among a rootless Muslim youth and this phenomenon is feeding new forms of radicalism, ranging from support for Al Qaeda to outright rejection of integration into Western societies. In this exegesis of the movement of Islam beyond traditional borders and its unwitting westernisation, Olivier Roy argues that Islamic revival, or 're-Islamisation', results from the efforts of westernised Muslims to assert their identity in a non-Muslim context.
A schism has emerged between mainstream Islamist movement in the Muslim world and the urprooted militants who strive to establish an imaginary ummah , or Muslim community, not attached to any particular society or territory. Roy provides a detailed comparison of these transnational movements, whether peaceful like Tablighi Jama'at and the Islamic brotherhoods, or violent, like Al Qaeda.
He shows how neofundamentalism acknowledges without nostalgia the loss of pristine cultures, constructing instead a universal religious identity that transcends the very notion of culture. Thus contemporary Islamic fundamentalism is not a simple reaction against westernisation but a product and an agent of the complex forces of globalisation. The audience will include students in political economy, development economics, economic anthropology, critics of the IMF and the World Bank including many from within those institutions , and almost anyone interested in making sense of the supposed "failures" of neo-liberal reform, the powers attributed to the processes of globalisation, or the current political and economic crises that appear to characterise so many regions of the world.
But what happens when the state privatises itself, and even its core functions are delegated to private actors? Does this imply a weakening of the state? Or, rather, does it lead to a re-composition of the state and is perpetuation via new forms of scrutiny and control? The contributors to this book argue that we are witnessing not the eclipse of the state under the impact of globalisation, but the end of the relatively short era of the 'development state' and its commanding role.
Comparative Politics & International Studies - Editions Hurst
Privatisation leads to new, and often more informal, forms of interference and influence, and it is these that are scrutinised in this volume. The book is concerned with those movements, based in Pakistan and Central Asia, which advocate the establishment, by armed struggle if necessary, of an Islamic state within an existing state, or of a supranational Caliphate. The latter, while forming part of transnational networks of solidarity and militancy, like those of Bin Laden, would also operate beyond those geographical regions.
Ideologically these movements share two characteristics: they are "jihadist", arguing the necessity of jihad, holy war, to recover "occupied" Muslim lands, or to fight Muslim regimes viewed as traitorous; and they are "salafist", demanding a return to strict Islam, stripped of local customs and cultures.
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The passage to "jihadism" is primarily strategic and political, with one particular state designated as the Muslims' principal enemy. Today it is the U. This is true to a lesser extent of Israel and India. The book enables the reader to appreciate the extent to which the jihadist movements of Central Asia, Afghanistan and Pakistan, after starting within a purely national framework or with the single purpose of liberating Afghanistan, have come to form a transnational network with the U. Since the s a new assertiveness has characterized India's formerly silent majority, the lower castes that comprise more than two-thirds of the population.
Today India's most populous state, Uttar Pradesh, is controlled by lower-caste politicians, as is Bihar, and lower-caste representation in national politics is growing inexorably. Jaffrelot argues that this trend constitutes a genuine "democratization" of India and that the social and economic effects of this "silent revolution" are bound to multiply in the years to come.
Jews reacted to the challenge of modernity in very different ways.
Comparative Politics: Political Science, Department of: Loyola University Chicago
While some contributed to the development of capitalism and put their talents at the service of European states, others threw themselves into revolutionary movements. Thus the Jews were formidable experimenters who participated in causes with contradictory agendas: assimilation bourgeois or socialist on the one hand and nationalism on the other.
The Invention of a Nation recounts the tortuous ordeal through which the Jews chose the path of nationalism. Indeed the vulnerability which is the lot of any nation without a state was experienced in particularly extreme form by the Jews. With the destitution and persecution of many Jewish communities in the 19th century, especially in Eastern Europe, Jews demanded an end to their uprootedness.
This required a state. The book provides a comprehensive account of the various ideologies that make up Zionism, ranging from Marxist to National Religious Zionism and the far-right Abba Achimeir. Unlike other studies, it makes explicit the debt the Zionists owed to European thinkers and ideologues, both Eastern and Western. The objective of Zionism - the creation of a sovereign state for the Jews in Palestine - meant defining a secularised and territorial Jewish identity, via military power, and building a national language.
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This was especially difficult because the national project was faced with persisting religious communitarianism. But the enterprise was at least pardy successful: this process of politicisation makes Israel a paradigmatic example of the invention of a nation state. On publication in France, Jean-Marie Bouissou's depiction of modern Japan was acclaimed as 'the best of its kind'.
This English translation is updated to cover events up till mid, and augmented by an overview of Japan's pre historical legacy. In the tradition of French scolarship, which rejects a narrowly focused approach, the book encompasses all the aspects of the transformation that raised Japan from the ashes of defeat in to the status of an economic model.
Bouissou closely relates economic growth to social change and politics - of which he gives a particularly detailed account. The combination of this unusually broad approach, detailed narrative and provocative analysis, which emphasises social dislocation rather than the much-vaunted Japanese predilection for social harmony, distinguishes this book from many in the field.
Are international relations as we have known them coming to an end to be replaced by 'global politics', in which the power game and the exercise of authority are no longer defined within national borders, and the distinction between states and non-state actors will no longer be relevant? In this volume three generations of international affairs specialists, brought together under the auspices of the Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Internationales CERI in Paris, explore the new prospects opened up by the combined impact of globalisation and the end of the Cold War.
They summarise the state of knowledge about the major questions of the present age - nationalism, the building of Europe, the international political economy, a fresh look at conflicts, the narrow-ing of time and space, the role of international networks - and suggest how they can be understood.
An educative and innovative work, the book throws light in a new way on the most important trends in the world at the turn of the century. Algeria was formerly a beacon for the Third World under Boumedienne's leadership and a testing-ground for democratic transition after the riots. Then it descended into civil war follow-ing the annulment of the December parliamentary elections. The Islamist radicals of FIS and GIA bear the main responsibility for this tragedy, since their main aim was to win power and enrich themselves. The army, on the other hand, took advantage of the violence to main-tain its hegemony and reinforce its increasingly spurious claim to legitimacy.
This was especially the case in the international arena, where it posed as the guarantor of 'secular values' against the 'funda-mentalist tenor' of radical Islam. The principal focus of this book is the political economy of the war, as manifested in the lives of the many ordinary Algerians whom the author interviewed and whose experiences and thoughts on their country's predicament give this book its extraordinary immediacy. Martinez adds to the professional technique of a political sociologist the human insight and flair of a novelist.
Iran is once again in the international spotlight. It determination to pursue its nuclear program despite Western opposition has initiated a serious diplomatic crisis which, it is justifiably feared, could lead to foreign military intervention. Moreover, Iranian voters, eight years after the unanticipated election of Mohammed Khatami, again created surprise in June by voting in a fairly obscure politician, Mahmud Ahmadinejad, whose negationist and vehemently anti-Zionist remarks soon attracted attention.
In the first edition of this book the author had revealed an unknown face of post-revolutionary Iran. Its society is dynamic, diversified and detached from the regime, while remaining in constant interaction with its institutions. A civil society at odds with a totalitarian state? Rather we are witnessing the formation of a public sphere bearing a multitude of religious, athletic, consumer, economic and political practices.
Attesting to this is the remaking of a lifestyle, that of the man of integrity, who sees himself as a "being in society". Does Mahmud Ahmadinejad's taking office contradict this evolution? In a new preface, Fariba Adelkhah shows that Iran's new president is not necessarily the ultraconservative he is assumed to be. He himself fits in with the problematics of the reformers he defeated at the polls.
But his election does mark the end of an era, if only because it hails the rise of a new generation in politics. A new and augmented edition of this classic work, out of print for two years, became necessary to understand the social and political background of the current nuclear crisis..
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Search this site:. The Survival of the Jews in France. Burying Jihadis Bodies Between State, Territory, and Identity par Riva Kastoryano Traduit par Cynthia Schoch What should states do with the bodies of suicide bombers and other jihadists who die while perpetrating terrorist attacks? Identity, Conflict and Politics in Turkey, Iran and Pakistan Sous la direction de Gilles Dorronsoro et Olivier Grojean Ethnic and religious identity-markers compete with class and gender as principles shaping the organisation and classification of everyday life.
Caretaking Democratization. Nationalism and the Multination State par Alain Dieckhoff Traduit par Cynthia Schoch Published in English for the first time, this book defends the idea that nationhood remains a central aspect of modernity. Selling the Future. The Perils of Predicting Global Politics par Ariel Colonomos Traduit par Gregory Elliott In an age of uncertainty, those who can anticipate revolution, the outbreak of wars, or which states might default are much in demand.
Algeria Modern. Fragments of an Unfinished War.