In work where the audience are directly addressed or clear eye contact is made between actors and audience, the fourth wall is broken. The audience are clearly included in the drama and are less removed from events onstage. Your choice of whether or not to have a fourth wall in your work will influence the spatial relationships between audience and actors and the type of stage you choose.
Look at Using the Space to learn more about the different types of stages you can use.
Keywords: Human—animal studies , human—animal relationships , human—animal interactions , human—animal bonds , animal behaviour , animal welfare , companion animals , laboratory animals , agricultural animals , zoos. Forgot password? Don't have an account? All Rights Reserved. OSO version 0. University Press Scholarship Online. Sign in. Not registered? Sign up. Publications Pages Publications Pages. Search my Subject Specializations: Select Essentially, however, the missionary churches found themselves firmly on the side of the colonial state.
The process resulted in a continuum of statements, ranging from the Cottlesloe Statement, emanating from the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk Dutch Reformed Church in , to the Kairos Document published by essentially black Christians in , in protest against both the restrained resistance to apartheid within the institutional churches and violations of human rights by the state. Indeed, what was perceived by the most white South Africans as 'interference' by the WCC, not least through its Programme to Combat Racism PCR , was deeply resented by the state-with all but a few churches leaders being prepared to openly support the initiatives of the WCC.
Briefly stated, the theology and human rights debate in South Africa was, at best, kept on a back burner. Potgieter, a professor of private law at the University of South Africa, who has argued against the need for a Bill of Rights in South Africa. Insisting that the image of God can only be restored through conversion to Christ, he argues that the general population have no inalienable rights.
Potgieter's argument is but a small step from the most reactionary kind of apartheid ideology which locates rights and privileges in the hands of whites as the carriers of the gospel and white Christian civilisation. It argues that it is precisely because of human sin-which provides inflated notions of who we are giving rise to a sense of "superiority, arrogance and elitism"-that we need a declaration of human rights as a basis for recognising the rights of others as well as ourselves.
The beginning of the democratisation process in South Africa in , marked by the unbanning of liberation movements and the release from prison of Nelson Mandela and other high profile political prisoners, resulted in even the groups that had hitherto shown little or no interest in human rights beginning to show an interest in the subject.
Of primary concern to some such groups was the minority rights of whites under what was clearly to be a black majority government. Theological debates would break out on the floor of parliament and few politicians dared to ignore popular Christian opinion in their respective constituencies. It was partly this "theological awareness" that made the theology and human rights debate in the late s such a sensitive matter.
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The debate was more than an academic exercise. It impinged directly on the political thinking and practices of society-indeed, on the soul of the nation. Having committed itself to a culture of human rights and having chosen to ratify most major human rights declarations and protocols of the United Nations, the church has acquired a new found point of access in seeking to influence the state at the level of moral values and human rights. These resources were largely of western theological origin.
They were drawn on or quoted as a basis for justifying the praxis or resistance and the promotion of human rights in South Africa-without these being explicitly developed at a contextual level in the South African debate.
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As such, an attempt is made to identify the global theological resources that have sustained the South African debate on theology and human rights. It is ultimately this debate that is likely to help sustain the engagement of South African Christians theologically in the promotion of human rights. It is ultimately also this debate that can promote the quest for democracy in a country that until recently stood on the brink of an abyss-within which any semblance of human rights could scarcely be discerned.
The Theological Roots of Human Rights  The tradition of human rights in the West is rooted in an array of interrelated sources. Harold Berman suggests it took five great revolutions to separate secular law from religion and to open the way for public debate on the nature of moral value. Each progressively separated church and state and further secularised law, introducing a healthy at times aggressive encounter between religion and state. Within this context there are, however, some notable thinkers who argue that human rights are no more than a figment of political imagination. They suggest that while the idea eases the conscience of politicians, it fails seriously to contribute to the lives of those who suffer under its violations.
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Alasdair MacIntyre has, for example, suggested. Some have delighted in relocating those who have deliberately turned away from Theism back in the biblical ethical tradition, arguing that their reliance on the ideals of the Bible are an inherent part of humanist thought. Neither is it driven by a need to promote Christian ideology! I do not suggest that the roots of human rights' ideals are found "nowhere else than in the biblical tradition.
I seek rather simply to identify the ethical trajectories of the Christian tradition that pertain to what we today regard as the essential values of human rights. Christ's gift is the fullness abundance of life John Paul has, in turn, indicated that it is "for freedom Christ has set us free," not to live as slaves to anyone Gal There are other texts-not least Christ's rejection of the role of political messiah "My kingdom is not of this world," John , which have often been interpreted to suggest that Christ's gift of life and freedom does not have implications for the quality of life here on earth.
Luke , on the other hand, indicates that the promises of God's kingdom have already dawned on earth. It is within this tension that the foundation of the Christian struggle for human dignity was forged.
What are by today's standards construed as a gross violation of human rights inter alia, the subjugation of women, the acceptance of slavery and discrimination on the basis of sexual behaviour were frequently condoned and promoted in the early church. The Edict of Milan CE and the eventual transformation of Christianity into the state religion of the Roman Empire resulted in further ecclesial restrictions against what was regarded as asocial and deviant behaviour. Despite these developments there were Christian apologists at the time who defended religious freedom.
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Lactantius, for example, wrote "[l]iberty has chosen to dwell in religion," stressing that there is "nothing. Martin of Tours, in turn, bitterly condemned the actions of a group of bishops who persuaded the emperor to execute a supposed heretic, Priscillian. Augustine's years as Bishop of Hippo marked a further phase in the imperialisation of Christianity, which resulted in further violations of the rights of individuals and groups who were unwilling to identify with the norms and customs of the Empire.
Rosemary Ruether's critique of Augustine is a telling one: "When faced with the test of a non-Roman identity, Augustine, as much as Eusebius, proved that his catholicity was a closed universe, bounded by the Greco-Roman oecumene. When, however, his ecclesial coercion met with Donatist resistance which soon developed into "a peasants' revolt in embryo," 17 Augustine supported the intervention by imperial troops.
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Unrepentant Donatists were persecuted and resisters killed. Bluntly stated, Augustine favoured political stability in an unstable world as a priority that needed to be protected at almost any cost. It needs to be asked to what extent, in so doing, Augustine, intentionally or not, established an implicit principle allowing for the curtailment of individual rights in the interest of national security? Individuals and groups such as the Donatists were left without a recognised moral authority to which to appeal, beyond that imposed by the theocratic state-church alliance.
Then, as imperial power began to decline and to be challenged by that of the pope, things began to change. There were two often conflicting authorities: spiritual and temporal. The history of the medieval church-state encounter, which at times manifested itself in a standoff between Emperor and Pope and at times favoured theocracy-with either the pope or the emperor claiming the unqualified support of God-need not be discussed here. It was a long and bloody battle. Charlemagne became the first Holy Roman Emperor, claiming to be the vicar of God on earth. In the end neither Emperor nor Pope could win.
The outcome was compromise as agreed to in the Concordat of Worms The struggle was not for the freedom of religion let alone for other rights for each individual. It was rather for the freedom of the institutional church to direct its own affairs-a development which itself often resulted in the most savage persecution of individuals. It was merely a step, though an important one, along the way toward a questioning of the nature of authority. It influenced the political developments of the time to the extent that it began to focus attention on the persuasion and eventually the rights of the individual.
In the twelfth century, Peter Abelard "taught that to act against one's conscience was always sinful, even if [in so doing one's conscience errs in discerning the will of God. It did, however, raise further questions concerning the source of authority and the nature of the moral imperative. A further development in ecclesial thought, not unrelated to notions of conscience, was the emergence of the idea of natural rights, a phenomenon which emerged within the context of the social and intellectual renewal of the late twelfth century.
If hitherto ius naturale natural law was understood to mean "what is naturally right", it now began to acquire the more subjective sense of being a faculty or ability inherent in the individual. This was a notion that would intime give rise to the belief that individuals have certain inherent rights.